National Liberation Front of Corsica

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
For the human gene, see FLNC (gene).

National Liberation Front of Corsica
Fronte di liberazione naziunale di a Corsica
Front de libération nationale corse
Dates of operation4 May 1976 – active
Active regionsCorsica, France
French mainland
IdeologyCorsican nationalism
Anti-French sentiment
Anti-Imperialism
Anti-Colonialism
Secessionism
Anti-semitism (alleged)[1][2][3]
Factions:
Left-wing nationalism
Right-wing nationalism
SloganA Francia Fora ! (France out!)[4]
Allies
Opponents
Battles and warsCorsican conflict
Preceded by
Fronte Paesanu Corsu per a Liberazione (FPCL), Ghjustizia Paolina

The National Liberation Front of Corsica (Corsican: Fronte di liberazione naziunale di a Corsica or Fronte di liberazione naziunale corsu; French: Front de libération nationale corse, abbreviated FLNC) is a name used by many militant groups that advocate an independent state on the island of Corsica, separate from France. The organisations are primarily present in Corsica and less so on the French mainland. A Conculta Naziunalista was often considered to be the political wing of the original organisation.[6]

Typical militant acts by the FLNC were bombings aimed at public buildings, banks, tourist infrastructure, military buildings and other perceived French symbols, in addition to aggravated assault against civilians, armed bank robbery, and extortion against private enterprises through so-called "revolutionary taxes". The attacks were usually performed against buildings and the island's infrastructures, but it was also not uncommon for the FLNC to have individual people as targets, such as Claude Érignac who was killed in 1998.

A road sign near Bastìa with the non-Corsican place names defaced, signed by the National Liberation Front of Corsica (FLNC).
FLNC fighters

Ideology[edit]

The FLNC is based on the idea that Corsica is a nation which was a sovereign nation-state: the Corsican Republic from 1755 to 1769, the first constitutional democratic republic in the history of humanity guaranteeing universal suffrage and the right to vote for women (at least for certain women, considered heads of household, particularly widows or single women)[7] and this 200 years before France which was then an absolute monarchy by divine right. Pasquale Paoli's legacy on the FLNC is very significant, particularly through the name Ghjustizia Paolina.

The defense of the Corsican language, traditions, the re-opening of the University of Corte closed in 1769 by the French army and re-opened in 1982 following the demands of the FLNC, the fight against the concreting of the coast, against second homes, against "settlement colonization" (massive installation of continental French), the organization of a referendum on self-determination, the departure of the French army from Corsica (and in particular the dismantling of the NATO military base in Solenzara as well as the legionnaire regiment of Calvi) are central demands of the FLNC.

Environmentalism and defense of the land (incorporating a form of agrarianism or peasant socialism and the protection of grazing lands, mountains, forests, and marshes) have always been very important in the ideology of the FLNC, particularly in connection with the popular struggles of the 1970s against the pollution of red mud and the allocation of remediated lands of the Aléria plain (originally subject to malaria and now the only land on the island suitable for intensive agriculture) to pied-noir farmers rather than Corsicans.

With the dissolution of the Canal Habituel and the formation of the FLNC-Union des Combattants (FLNC-UC), led by Charles Pieri, the FLNC returned to a hardline independence line of protest against French colonialism as well as the monopoly economy, launching for example a campaign against supermarkets in the late 2000s (without adopting an explicitly Marxist discourse, but declaring itself to be "in line with the social and union struggles of our people in the face of the multiple relays of French colonialism in Corsica"). The FLNC of October 22, which announced in a press release of March 21, 2023 that it would now operate in concert with the Union of Combatants, claimed in the 2000s to embody an even more radical independence line than the FLNC-UC.

At the international level, the FLNC supports the causes of Irish and Basque nationalists and supports the Palestinian national movement.[8]

History[edit]

Foundation and objectives[edit]

The FLNC was created from a merger of Ghjustizia Paolina and the Fronte Paesanu Corsu di Liberazione, the two largest Corsican armed organizations. It was an offshoot of the political party A Cuncolta Independentista which had members in the Corsican Assembly and some support among the locals.

The FLNC carried out its first attacks on the night of 4 May 1976 with 21 bombs exploding in Ajaccio, Bastia, Sartène, Porto-Vecchio and other Corsican towns.[9] The majority of the targets were public buildings and offices of civil servants. On 5 May the FLNC formally announced its existence when it issued a bilingual manifesto which also claimed responsibility for the previous night's attacks.

The manifesto contained six demands:[10]

  • The recognition of the national rights of the Corsican people.
  • The removal of all instruments of French colonialism – including the French Army and colonists.
  • The setting up of a popular democratic government which would express the will and the needs of the Corsican people.
  • The confiscation of "colonial" estates.
  • Agrarian reform to fulfill the aspirations of farmers, workers and intellectuals and rid the country of all forms of exploitation.
  • The right to self-determination of the Corsican people.

2014 to present[edit]

In 2014,[11] the FLNC-Union of Combattants (FLNC-Unione di Cumbattenti, FLNC-UC), the largest successor to the original FLNC at that time, announced the cessation of its armed struggle. This was followed by the FLNC of October 22nd (FLNC 22 di Uttrovi, FLNC-22U) in 2016.[12] Nevertheless, a number of minor splinter groups have so far emerged and are still active.[13][14][15] The FLNC-22U warned in 2016 that any attacks on Corsica by ISIL will be met with swift retaliation.[16]

On March 2, 2022, Yvan Colonna, a member of the FLNC that was arrested for his role in the 1998 assassination of Claude Érignac, was put in a coma in prison after being assaulted by an Islamic Cameroonian-born inmate for "disrespecting Muhammad."[17] Colonna would die of his wounds on March 21, 2022, resulting in rioting and unrest across the island.[17] The French interior ministry then floated the idea of political autonomy to Corsica to defuse the situation, with the FLNC-22U and FLNC-UC announcing they would jointly resume their armed campaign if said autonomy is not granted.[17]

In October 2023 explosions rocked secondary residences and under-construction villas across Corsica, with pro-FNLC slogans being spray-painted nearby.[18]

In 2024, antisemitic and anti-French graffiti appeared in Corsica, with the FLNC being allegedly responsible.[19]

Armed campaign[edit]

See also: Corsican conflict

The beginning of the FLNC (1976-1979)[edit]

The FLNC began their armed campaign on the night of 4 May 1976, with 21 bombs targeting French infrastructure and businesses in the cities of Ajaccio, Bastia, Porto-Vecchio, Corte, Biguglia, Sartène, Francardo, and Ghisonaccia, as well as Marseille and Nice on the French mainland. The next day these attacks were claimed through an anonymous phone call and fliers were left on the streets of Ajaccio titled “The Manifesto of 5 May”.[20] This marked the beginning of the FLNC’s armed struggle.

Throughout the 1970s, the FLNC would continue to operate across the island in bomb attacks and guerrilla warfare in the Corsican mountains. In August 1977, the FLNC bombed the Pigno radio and television tower that overlooked the city of Bastia, causing televisions in Haute-Corse to lose access to most television channels for 18 months.[21] Also in 1977, the Front d’Action Nouvelle Contre l’Indépendance et l’Autonomie (New Action Front Against Independence and Autonomy, FRANCIA) formed. The FRANCIA was a group loyal to the French government that would often target Corsican nationalists and the FLNC. Throughout the early years of the conflict, the FLNC and the FRANCIA were in active war with each other. On April 25th, 1977, the FRANCIA bombed the printing house of the FLNC’s press wing Arritti. The FLNC countered this in December 1978 with a car bomb attack on the leader of FRANCIA, captain Pierre Bertolini.[22]

A series of major FLNC attacks occurred from 1978-1979. On January 13th, 1978, The FLNC launched “Operation Zara”, where they bombed many important features of the Solenzara air base. In 1979, the FLNC committed a record 331 attacks throughout the year. On March 11th, 32 attacks were committed against banking institutions on the island, which was met with 12 reprisal attacks committed by FRANCIA the next day. On May 31st, 22 bomb attacks were committed in Paris targeting banking and travel agencies. Following these attacks, a trial was held in Paris against a Corsican seperatist allegedly involved with the FLNC. During the trial, FLNC members reaffirmed their demands and began to sing Diu vi Salvi Regina, the unofficial anthem of Corsica. In October 1979, the FLNC bombed the fuel depot of the large Courneuve armory located near Paris.[23]

Bastelica-Fesch affair and escalation (1980-1981)[edit]

1980 in Corsica began with the Bastelica-Fesch affair on January 7th. Three FRANCIA members, Alain Olliel, a very radical member, Yeannik Leonelli, who claimed to be an FLNC surveillance spy infiltrating FRANCIA, and Pierre Bertolini, the leader, arrived in the town of Bastelica on the initiative to capture and kill higher-ups in the Unione di u Populu Corsu, a seperatist political party close to the FLNC. When the commandos arrived, around 30 men surrounded the vehicle and captured the men, who were brought to Ajaccio and held inside of the Hotel Fesch, located near the Musée Fesch. The incident sparked riots across Ajaccio and Corsica in general and popular support for the FLNC grew rapidly due to the French authorities’ use of excessive violence against civilians.[24] Two months later, the FLNC publishes the “white paper”, in which they call for organization and a general insurrection against the French government. Meanwhile, in neighborhoods in Ajaccio and in the Corsican countryside, firefights and battles between FRANCIA and the FLNC became more and more frequent. In May 1980, the FLNC committed a bomb attack against the Palais de Justice in Paris, the largest judicial building in France. The next day, three gendarmes are shot outside of the Iranian embassy in Paris. The FLNC holds a press conference in October 1980 where they threaten further action and denounce the FRANCIA members who participated in Bastelica.

In January 1981, the trial for the Bastelica-Fesch affair began in Paris, which was followed by riots and bombings in Corsica and Paris committed by the FLNC. On February 12th, the verdict gave amnesty to FRANCIA members while arresting more FLNC members, as well as some alleged civilians. The FLNC responded with 48 attacks across Corsica.

Mitterand, Defferre, and ceasefire (1981-1982)[edit]

As French national elections came around, the FLNC and the “Corsican Question” became a hot-button issue in French politics. The Socialist Party under François Mitterand promised amnesty and an agreement with the FLNC to end the violence in Corsica as a main campaign promise. Out of respect for Mitterand’s ideals and in an attempt to make an agreement easier, the FLNC declared a ceasefire in April 1981 to help legitimize Mitterand’s campaign. Once Mitterand was elected, the FLNC and French Interior Minister Gaston Defferre created an agreement overseen by Mitterand called the “Defferre agreements”. These led to the foundation of Corsica’s autonomous governing body, the Corsican Assembly. These agreements also led to amnesty for FLNC prisoners. Noteably, the amnesty for two FLNC members, brigade leaders Alain Orsoni and Serge Cacciari, were done by result of a prison revolt staged by the FLNC.[25] The agreements also began lowering the presence of the Foreign Legion stationed in Corsica, which had garnered a reputation for being violent and oppressive. These agreements built a framework that could’ve led to peace in Corsica, but that idea quickly fell apart when alleged police brutality and government ignorance caused the FLNC to end their ceasefire in February 1982.[26]

Re-escalation and the Guy Orsoni affair (1982-1983)[edit]

On February 11th, 1982, 25 bomb attacks were committed in Corsica. These attacks had ended the ceasefire set in place in 1981, but the FLNC wouldn’t officially declare the end of the ceasefire until August 1982. On the same day as the bombings, FLNC members arrived at a Foreign Legion outpost in Sorbo-Ocognano and ambushed the patrol there, shooting dead Legionnaire Renato Rossi. At the same time in Ventiseri, FLNC members shoot the chief warrant officer of the Solenzara air base with a machine gun in front of his home. Throughout March 1982, 6 people would be arrested for their alleged involvement in these 3 events, including Charles Pieri, a spokesperson for the CFDT who had run for office in Bastia many times. Pieri would go on to lead the largest successor to the original FLNC in the 1990s, the FLNC-Canal Historique. On August 8th, 1982, the FLNC formally announces the end of ceasefire, accompanied by around 100 attacks in a day. On august 19th, 99 attacks are committed in a day.[26]

On January 5th, 1983, the French government issued a decree stating the FLNC is dissolved under French law. This is only a de-jure dissolution as the French can do nothing in practice, so FLNC remains with no changes. On June 23rd, 1983, FLNC activist Guy Orsoni, brother of brigade leader Alain Orsoni,is assassinated in Porto-Vecchio. The perpetrators come forward as the Valinco gang, a mafia group active in Corsica with alleged ties to the French government. Guy Orsoni’s death is attributed by many to be perpetuated by the French government due to these alleged ties. In July 1983, the FLNC hold a military parade in l’Ile Rousse where they hand out fliers and denounce the french government for their alleged role in Guy Orsoni’s death. Later that same month, the leaders of the FLNC’s political wing, the CCN, are arrested in Bastia and Ajaccio, but released on judicial decision. In September 1983, two major attacks are committed in retaliation for the Guy Orsoni assassination, The murder of Felix Rosso, alleged drug trafficker and French loyalist militant, and the assassination of Pierre Masimi, the secretary-general of Haute-Corse, the highest position in the department. On November 11th, The leader of the Valinco gang dies of cancer. His son is shot outside of the Ajaccio airport by the FLNC, and his closest associate, Jean-Marc Leccia, is arrested in Miami, effectively ending the Valinco gang’s existence.[27]

The civilian front of the war and heightened tensions (1984-1988)[edit]

In January 1984, Corsican workers and FLNC officials created the Sindicatu di i Travagliadori Corsi (STC) to organize the workers. The STC, which still exists today, is largely a socialist and communist group, but fighting against anti-Corsican hiring practices is a major part of their work. The STC would play a major role in the civilian part of the Corsican conflict.[28]

On January 9th, 1984, FLNC militant Stefanu Cardi died from a failed bomb attack on a villa located near the tower of Capu di Muru in Coti-Chiavari. During his funeral, held by the FLNC in the FLNC-controlled maquis near the town he died in, French authorities intervened and attempted to arrest the militants present. Hundreds of civilians from the nearby town entered the area and helped fight off the French attack. Shortly after, on January 22nd, Charles Pieri escapes from prison and begins to coordinate attacks with the FLNC again. On April 3rd, another FLNC higher-up, Jean-Michel Rossi, escapes prison as well. The French sentence 8 FLNC members to prison on August 30th, which is met with 16 attacks in the mainland cities of Lyon, Marseille, and Toulon. In December 1984, police officers in Bastia are met with a series of attacks which leaves 2 dead.[28]

Throughout 1984, the problem of political prisoners became a major topic in Corsica, as the French authorities have arrested many people for simply supporting seperatism. At the beginning of 1985, political prisoners in the Santa Chiara prison organized a mass protest inside the prison, as well as organizing protests outside of the prison in the city of Bastia. On January 18th, 1985, the FLNC occupy the rectorate of the Corsican school board, calling for the end of Corsican political prisoners being arrested in the University of Corsica. On January 24th, the Cuncolta di i Studenti Corsi (CSC), a student union, held a picket protest in support for a student who had been arrested. During the demonstration, members of the “Corse Française Républicaine” (CFR) armed group, the (albeit smaller) successor to FRANCIA, stormed the protest and began to shoot protestors dead. Upon the arrival of police, police officers also begin to shoot at protesters. This causes the STC to call a general strike and high school students in Corsica to preform walkouts in protest of police brutality. CFR students respond by entering the university loaded with weapons under the allowance of French police and begin to patrol the area to restore “order” in the university. 7 days later, the leader of the CFR is fatally shot inside of an armored car while holding a .357 magnum. The attack is claimed by the FLNC.[29]

On February 17th, 1985, the FLNC charge into the Grossetti military barracks in Ajaccio. multiple soldiers are shot and the premises are blown up with dynamite. Minister of defense Charles Hernu responds by increasing military presence in the city of Ajaccio tenfold. On March 10th, during the cantonal elections, 500 letters from the FLNC are intercepted that were addressed to soldiers, telling them not to vote in the elections and threatening violence if they do. This comes after similar letters were reportedly received by French civilians living in the city.[29]

On April 1st, an FLNC delegation visited Puerto Rico, where they held a meeting with members of the Corsican Diaspora there (300,000 people) and discussed co-operation. A similar meeting was held in Caracas, Venezuela with Corsican political leaders in the country. A month later, FLNC delegates met with Corsicans in Tunisia to discuss cooperation with the Tunisian government and local Corsican communities. Around the same time, members of the FLNC’s political wing began withdrawing from parliament and practicing abstentionism due to government corruption and underrepresentation of seperatists in the assembly.[29]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ "Anti-Semitic and anti-French graffiti condemned in Corsica". RFI. 5 January 2024.
  2. ^ "Vers une alliance entre le FLNC et le Hamas". Atlantico. 29 January 2024.
  3. ^ "Corse : Enquête ouverte après la découverte de tags antisémites à Calvi". The Times of Israel. 4 January 2024.
  4. ^ "«La France dehors» : le FLNC revendique une série d'explosions en Corse" (in French). 9 October 2023.
  5. ^ The Corsican Time-Bomb, p. 141, Robert Ramsay, UK: Manchester University Press, 1983. ISBN 0-7190-0893-X
  6. ^ Paris tightens grip on Corsican warlords, The Independent, 1 February 1997.
  7. ^ "1755, la Constitution corse accordait déjà le droit de vote aux femmes". France 3 Corse ViaStella (in French). 21 April 2014. Retrieved 29 January 2024.
  8. ^ Marion Galland (26 January 2024). "Le FLNC sort du silence : " L'autonomie évoquée ne sera pas en mesure de préserver le peuple corse "". Francebleu.fr.
  9. ^ Ramsay, p. 118
  10. ^ Ramsay pgs. 118–119
  11. ^ "Corsican separatists to end military campaign". 25 June 2014.
  12. ^ "Corse: le FLNC dépose les armes". 3 May 2016.
  13. ^ http://www.corsematin.com/ta/vescovato/205162/corse-deux-membres-d-un-flnc-unifie-revendiquent-l-attentat Archived 3 July 2017 at the Wayback Machine, Two members of a unified FLNC claimed the attack, Corse Matin, 10 August 2009
  14. ^ "Un nouveau groupe clandestin revendique des attentats en Corse". 23 June 2017.
  15. ^ "Un groupe clandestin revendique la série d'attentats en Corse". 23 June 2017.
  16. ^ "Corsican nationalists warn jihadists of tough response - BBC News". BBC News. 28 July 2016.
  17. ^ a b c Willsher, Kim. "Macron calls for calm after death of jailed Corsican nationalist". The Guardian. Agence France-Presse. Retrieved 7 May 2024.
  18. ^ "France: the Liberation Front claims responsibility for the explosions against some buildings in Corsica". Agenzia Nova. Retrieved 7 May 2024.
  19. ^ "Anti-Semitic and anti-French graffiti condemned in Corsica". 5 January 2024.
  20. ^ "#corse – #FLNC – U 5 di maghju di u 1976 – Le site FLNC.unita-naziunale.org sur corsicainfurmazione.org -" (in French). 3 September 2015. Retrieved 15 May 2024.
  21. ^ "#Corse StoriaCorsa -1977 « A FRancia s'officialise, actions historiques du FLNC » -" (in French). 23 August 2019. Retrieved 15 May 2024.
  22. ^ "Histoire d'une haine". Le Monde.fr (in French). 11 January 1980. Retrieved 15 May 2024.
  23. ^ "StoriaCorsa -1979 « la #Corse est un pays occupé depuis plus de deux siècles par les troupes françaises » -" (in French). 25 August 2019. Retrieved 15 May 2024.
  24. ^ "Il y a 44 ans – L'Affaire Bastelica-Fesch : Janvier 1980 – Février 1981 – Résumé, dates, photos et vidéos #StoriaLLN #Corse -" (in French). 6 January 2024. Retrieved 15 May 2024.
  25. ^ "#corse StoriaCorsa 1981 « Procès Bastelica-Fesch, 90 patriotes en prison, trêve et amnistie » -" (in French). 28 August 2019. Retrieved 16 May 2024.
  26. ^ a b "#corse StoriaCorsa 1982 « Loi Statut Particulier, seconde amnistie pour les militants du FLNC » -" (in French). 29 August 2019. Retrieved 16 May 2024.
  27. ^ "#corse StoriaCorsa 1983 « L'Affaire Guy Orsoni » – Dissolution du FLNC -" (in French). 30 August 2019. Retrieved 16 May 2024.
  28. ^ a b "#corse StoriaCorsa 1984 « Manifestation à Aiacciu pour la RECONNAISSANCE DU STATUT DE PRISONNIER POLITIQUE « -" (in French). 31 August 2019. Retrieved 18 May 2024.
  29. ^ a b c "#corse StoriaCorsa 1985 Le FLNC investit RCFM « Chjamemu a ghjuventù corsa » -" (in French). 31 August 2019. Retrieved 18 May 2024.

References[edit]

External links[edit]

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=National_Liberation_Front_of_Corsica&oldid=1224373163"